Manpreet Badal, former Punjab
finance minister and nephew of chief minister P S Badal, broke last
year with the Akali Dal, complaining that his entreaties for fiscal
discipline were being ignored, and would lead to disaster. He looks
foolish today after the re-election of the Akali Dal-Bharatiya Janata
Party combine.
However, the Akali victory was not based on economic development, as claimed by deputy chief minister Sukhbir Badal.
It won because of continuing populism: free electricity for farmers,
the subsidised atta- dal scheme, free bicycles for girl students, shagun
grants for poor girls.
The Akali-BJP combine actually lost
vote share, from 45.4% in 2007 to 41.9% in 2012. This would normally
have been fatal. But the Congress could not gain from anti-incumbency;
its vote share fell too, from 40.9% to 40.1%.
Why so? Because
Manpreet's breakaway party garnered 5.17% of the vote. This took away
enough anti-incumbent votes to deny the Congress a victory. Manpreet
sought to damage the Akali vote by splitting away, but harmed the
Congress vote much more.
Had Manpreet stayed in the Akali Dal despite his disagreements, the Akalis
would probably have lost, and Manpreet would have won the internal
debate with Sukhbir Badal. By leaving, he unwittingly handed Sukhbir
victory in the elections and (for now) even in the fiscal debate. Yet,
that debate is not over.
Punjab, once the richest and
fastest-growing state of India, has fallen in state rankings. It once
had the highest per-capita income among states, but is now down to
fourth position (behind Haryana, Maharashtra and Gujarat). It used to
grow faster than the national average, pulling it up. Now for two
decades, it has grown below the national average, dragging it down.
Free electricity to farmers is the biggest culprit, and accounts for
90% of entire government debt, says agricultural guru S S Johl. Debt
service swallows a third of the budget. Punjab now competes with West
Bengal at the bottom of the state finances table, and is one of only
three states with negative cash balances at the RBI. Punjab cannot even
pay government salaries, and retirees are told to wait six months before
they can collect money from the general provident fund.
Punjab Agricultural University, the proud institution that created new
varieties for the green revolution, is unable to pay salaries. How then
can it produce better seeds? Almost half vacant posts of teachers and
doctors have not been filled for want of cash, and absenteeism is almost
the highest among the states.
The Tribune reported in
February that 840 headmasters were not receiving their salaries. The
situation is as bad in medical colleges and health centres. Professor Surinder Shukla
of Panjab University found in a study of Muktsar that most teachers
were trying to migrate. Punjab has a TV channel devoted to migration.
Whatever Sukhbir may call this, it is not a triumph of economic
development.
Yet, his boast is not entirely empty, and has
some substance. Punjab's GDP growth accelerated under the Akalis in
2007-12 to 7% per year against 6% a year under the preceding Congress
regime. High inflation has, ironically, eroded the debt/GDP ratio.
Government bankruptcy is being finessed through private investment in
toll roads and bridges, schools, hospitals, bus transport and
electricity generation. While this leaves huge unfilled gaps, it has
helped economic development.
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